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The Chronicles of Torture: Undisclosed OLC Opinions on Interrogation
Oct-4-07 10:21 am
http://media3.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/photo/2006/08/03/PH2006080301559.jpg
Steven G. Bradbury

Today's New York Times reports on previous undisclosed, post-Jack Goldmith legal opinions on interrogation techniques that were issued by Steven G. Bradbury, the Acting Assistant Attorney General for the Office of Legal Counsel in 2005. The Times explains:
When the Justice Department publicly declared torture “abhorrent” in a legal opinion in December 2004, the Bush administration appeared to have abandoned its assertion of nearly unlimited presidential authority to order brutal interrogations.

But soon after Alberto R. Gonzales’s arrival as attorney general in February 2005, the Justice Department issued another opinion, this one in secret. It was a very different document, according to officials briefed on it, an expansive endorsement of the harshest interrogation techniques ever used by the Central Intelligence Agency.

The new opinion, the officials said, for the first time provided explicit authorization to barrage terror suspects with a combination of painful physical and psychological tactics, including head-slapping, simulated drowning and frigid temperatures.

Mr. Gonzales approved the legal memorandum on “combined effects” over the objections of James B. Comey, the deputy attorney general, who was leaving his job after bruising clashes with the White House. Disagreeing with what he viewed as the opinion’s overreaching legal reasoning, Mr. Comey told colleagues at the department that they would all be “ashamed” when the world eventually learned of it.

Later that year, as Congress moved toward outlawing “cruel, inhuman and degrading” treatment, the Justice Department issued another secret opinion, one most lawmakers did not know existed, current and former officials said. The Justice Department document declared that none of the C.I.A. interrogation methods violated that standard.

The classified opinions, never previously disclosed, are a hidden legacy of President Bush’s second term and Mr. Gonzales’s tenure at the Justice Department, where he moved quickly to align it with the White House after a 2004 rebellion by staff lawyers that had thrown policies on surveillance and detention into turmoil.

So while Jack Goldsmith had tried to bring OLC back to the rule of law, the situation was no better once a new chief of OLC was selected. The Times  explains:

The interrogation opinions were signed by Steven G. Bradbury, who since 2005 has headed the elite Office of Legal Counsel at the Justice Department. He has become a frequent public defender of the National Security Agency’s domestic surveillance program and detention policies at Congressional hearings and press briefings, a role that some legal scholars say is at odds with the office’s tradition of avoiding political advocacy.

The Times article goes on to explore internal debates in the Administration, covering some of the ground discussed by Goldsmith in his new book, The Terror Presidency, but adding new details as well.

I guess it goes without saying that this is yet another sad tale in the chronicles of torture that the Administration has found itself. My only hope is that a new presdient can come to office and have the Justice Department strongly repudiate all of these OLC memoranda. That won't repair the damage, but it may help. As we all know, once a state has advanced a legal arugment, it can come back to haunt in the worst possible way. The Times concludes its article explaining just this problem:

John D. Hutson, who served as the Navy’s top lawyer from 1997 to 2000, said he believed that the existence of legal opinions justifying abusive treatment is pernicious, potentially blurring the rules for Americans handling prisoners.

“I know from the military that if you tell someone they can do a little of this for the country’s good, some people will do a lot of it for the country’s better,” Mr. Hutson said. Like other military lawyers, he also fears that official American acceptance of such treatment could endanger Americans in the future.

“The problem is, once you’ve got a legal opinion that says such a technique is O.K., what happens when one of our people is captured and they do it to him? How do we protest then?” he asked.

About the editor:

Anthony Clark Arend

Professor

Commentary and analysis at the intersection of international law and politics.

» Contact the editor



» Learn more about the M.A. in International Law and Government at Georgetown University.


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